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Why no one in the U.S. really wants to get tough on China
















The House has
just passed a bill that would allow the President to impose tariffs on China in retaliation for China's currency manipulation. Although the traditional defenders of the currency status quo have been predictably shrill in their reaction to this "protectionism," cooler heads realize that the bill means nothing. The Senate is not going to pass the bill soon (and most likely never), and even if it passed, the bill only gives Obama permission to impose tariffs; remember, Obama has passed up the opportunity even to label China a currency manipulator. Chinese officials, for their part, are not overly concerned. Nor should they be: America is not going to get tough with China anytime soon.

The reason America is not going to get tough with China anytime soon is actually pretty interesting, since it involves a unique confluence of factors. Both of the two main political blocs in America want to avoid doing anything about China's currency manipulation, but for very different reasons.

For Republicans, it is because China is making them rich. In addition to a massive supply of cheap labor, China offers American business owners low costs via lax protection of property rights and the environment. Here's how it works: When a businessman in China wants to build a factory, he gives a kickback to a local official, who allows him to dump toxic waste in the river and kick as many peasants off their land as he wants. That allows the Chinese businessman to provide goods to U.S. multinationals at extremely low cost, boosting U.S. profits and forcing down the wages of U.S. workers. Naturally, these effects are exaggerated hugely by the undervalued yuan.

In other words, China has given America's capitalist class what they have long dreamed of: in the words of Hyman Roth from The Godfather Part II, "a real partnership with [a] government." This gravy train is probably the main reason why capital's share of income in the U.S. has reached record highs (and labor's share record lows). Note that the same has happened in China.

But there's more. China's currency manipulation requires that China's government buy lots and lots of U.S. debt. That lowers interest rates in the U.S.
, which in turn allows U.S. finance companies to borrow lots of money very cheaply, thus boosting their profits (which reached 45% of all U.S. profits in the early '00s). Although many contend that these artificially low rates were a big cause of the recent bubble and financial crisis, finance companies - who, despite what the Tea Partiers would have you believe, are big supporters of the Republicans - continue to depend indirectly on Chinese financing for their yearly bonuses.

But what about liberals? You'd think that soaring inequality and collapsing middle-class wages would have Democrats thundering for retaliatory tariffs, but no; for reasons all their own, liberals don't want to get tough on China either. Many, such as Brad DeLong and Matt Yglesias, fear that trying to force China to change its ways will start a new Cold War. That is something they really don't want. The first Cold War was a (temporary) disaster for liberalism - it boosted the power and importance of the U.S. military, encouraged red-baiting, and led to wars. A decades-long standoff with China might well tip U.S. culture back toward militarism. As a result, though Democrats have been perfectly willing to scuttle trade deals with small, weak countries like South Korea or the countries of Central America, China's great-power muscle has proven overwhelmingly intimidating.

Thus, although a few prominent figures (Paul Krugman among them) have urged the U.S. to take a harder line toward China, the bipartisan consensus is still overwhelmingly against taking any sort of action that would anger the Chinese. And the People's Republic, for its part, is prevented by its own domestic politics from correcting a currency policy that might soon cause dangerous imbalances. So the world's two superpowers will remain locked in an unhealthy, co-dependent embrace, until things get so bad that they force one or the other country to act. By then, of course, the cost of action will be much higher.

Update: Paul Krugman suggests that irrational fear of "protectionism," indoctrinated into Americans since the disastrous Smoot-Hawley tariffs, is a big factor in scaring Americans into not doing anything about Chinese mercantilism. A friend suggested this to me. I'm not sure how big a role ingrained fear of "protectionism" plays in all this, but my point is that irrational fear isn't necessary to explain why America refuses to resist Chinese mercantilism. Most people are simply too leery of the consequences (higher production costs, higher interest rates, and worsened U.S.-China relations) that resistance would entail. The mercantilism problem, big as it is, isn't yet big enough to spur people to action.

Update: More from Krugman, who is pretty angry about the situation:

So, why did Tim Geithner feel the need to declare,

We’re not going to have a trade war; we’re not going to have currency wars. I don’t know what that means, but people are saying that.

I suspect that he was trying to reassure the markets — but if we’ve learned anything lately, I hope it is that actions, not talk, matter.

And look, if China continues on its present course, eventually we will have some serious currency and trade conflict. Furthermore, we should.

All Geithner did here was signal to the Chinese not to worry, U.S. officials will keep making excuses for China’s behavior and doing nothing, regardless of provocation. Remember, this statement comes after China blatantly reneged on earlier promises about the exchange rate. They must take us for fools — because we (or at least some of us) are.


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Is Obama anti-business?
















The Economist has two articles (one, two) on whether Obama is "anti-business." According to both, business leaders are increasingly convinced that this is the case. The Economist writers can't figure out exactly why these attitudes exist, though...and since The Economist is probably the newsweekly that is read most by the business class, if they don't know, who does? The notion of Obama as anti-business, it turns out, is not really supported by the facts:
No matter that other Western politicians have publicly played with populism more dangerously, from France’s “laissez-faire is dead” president, Nicolas Sarkozy, to Britain’s “capitalism kills competition” business secretary, Vince Cable (see article); no matter that talk on the American right about Mr Obama being a socialist is rot; no matter that Wall Street’s woes are largely of its own making...

A president who truly wanted to wage war on business would have hung onto GM, not rushed to return it to the private sector. Card check has not been pushed. The finance bill, though bureaucratic, is not a Wall Street killer. With the exception of a China-bashing tyre tariff and a retreat on Mexican trucks, Mr Obama has eschewed protectionism. A lot of government cash has flowed to businesses, not least through the stimulus package. And above all his policies have helped pull the economy out of recession.
and:
Yet does Mr Obama really have a case to answer? Certainly, some of the wilder allegations by some businesspeople should never have left the 19th hole. Mr Obama has consistently made it clear he favours a mixed capitalist economy. The big incursion of the state into finance took place on his Republican predecessor’s watch. And although he doubtless went further than a McCain administration would have done to help GM and Chrysler survive, he has stuck to his pledge to return them quickly to private ownership. He used this year’s state-of-the-union message to commit himself to helping corporate America double its exports, and has appointed a council to propose ideas for promoting more innovation...

Moreover, the main reason so many American bosses are down in the dumps is the sluggish economy. Mr Obama inherited the recession from his predecessor, and the economy has recovered, somewhat, since then. Besides, it was corporate America, in the shape of the Wall Street banks, that was largely to blame for the depth of the recession. It might have helped Mr Obama’s relationship with business if he had gone on less about “shameful bonuses” on Wall Street; but some shame was surely in order.

Even a Republican administration would have been obliged to reform financial regulation, and, though there is a lot to quibble with in the Dodd-Frank act, the administration responded to requests from Wall Street to kill some of the more alarming reform proposals from Democrats in Congress.
Furthermore, the writers of the two articles are divided on what Obama could possibly do to seem more business-friendly; one heartily endorses the idea of tapping a CEO to replace outgoing economic advisor Larry Summers, the other dismisses this as a superficial PR move. It's not surprising that the writers don't know what to recommend; if you don't know the disease, how can you know the cure? In the end, both are forced to the same conclusion: Barack Obama is perceived as being anti-business because he smells like a socialist:
[Obama] has some rhetorical form as an anti-business figure—unlike the previous Democrat in the White House, Bill Clinton, who could comfortably talk the talk of business. Mr Obama’s life story, as depicted in his autobiography and on the campaign, was one of a man once mired in the sinful private sector (at a company subsequently bought by The Economist), who redeemed himself only by becoming a community organiser; his wife had a similar trajectory. There are the endless digs at Wall Street and Big Pharma, not to mention the beating up of BP. He remains a supporter of “card check”, which would dispense with the need for secret ballots in establishing a trade union. His legislative agenda has centred on helping poorer individuals (the health-care bill, part of the stimulus bill) or reining in banks (the financial-reform bill). The only businesses he has rescued are the huge union-dominated General Motors and Chrysler.
and:
[A]s a person with first-hand experience of Mr Obama’s decision-making points out, the “atmospherics really do matter”. The mere perception that the administration is anti-business is “starting to make the bosses of Fortune 500 companies more risk-averse,” says a billionaire who used to run one of America’s leading internet firms...

As for Mr Obama, when he meets businesspeople at fund-raisers and the like, he too often shakes hands and moves on, leaving them feeling he was more interested in a photo-op than a conversation. He caused offence and disbelief a while back by turning up for a meeting with a group of prominent chief executives and then reading to them from a teleprompter.
I think that this story is basically right. Businessmen fear Obama simply because he is not one of them. Obama comes from an academic and nonprofit background, and has in the past been sympathetic to socialist ideas. Even though his actions have been broadly pro-business, his identity is as a guy who comes from sectors whose attitudes are often inimical to industry. The fear among the business class - the "uncertainty" that one article claims is now starting to hurt the real economy - is simply the fear that, at any moment, Obama will revert to his roots and start madly swinging the wrecking ball of socialism through the American private sector.

I personally believe this fear is ungrounded. Obama is an obviously a guy who is inclined to listen to the "experts" on basically everything, and on business issues those "experts" are people who are far more sympathetic to the business class than Obama was in his youth. And I also believe that "uncertainty" over Obama's potential metamorphosis into a socialist Comrade Hyde is far down the list of things holding our economy back.

That said, however, I think it's counterproductive to allow this myth to persist at a time when other types of social strife (think: Tea Party vs. blacks and Hispanics) threatens to strain America to the breaking point. We do NOT need businessmen flooding the racist Tea Partiers with cash simply because they're scared that Obama will go all commie on 'em. And so Obama would do well to make friends with America's business class.


How can this be done? I think the second article has some good ideas about image management. Start dishing up pro-business rhetoric in speeches (and confine anti-business rhetoric to criticism of the finance industry). Have regular candid meetings with business leaders, and take their concerns to heart. Establish regular liaisons between the administration and the business community. Start trumpeting the pro-business nature of policies like export-promotion and research support that are already pro-business in substance.


Also, there are pro-business policies that are pretty obviously good for the country. Our corporate tax needs to be cut from 35% to 20% (with the revenue replaced by personal income tax or value-added tax). Cutting corporate tax is something that a series of Republican presidents has somehow managed to avoid even suggesting, so there's a big opportunity there; and, conveniently, it's something that will help poor people (low-wage workers and consumers) just as much as rich people. This could be a big winner for Obama.


But in the end, whatever happens to the Obama administration, this issue shows that America suffers from a sectoral divide that we should find a way to heal. For too long, many in academia and the nonprofit sector have viewed private business activity as inherently suspect and disreputable; profit is often denigrated and frowned upon. Listening to rhetoric I've heard from some (certainly not all!) academic and nonprofit sector workers, I'm not surprised that U.S. businessmen fear a president who comes from that walk of life. Until we recognize, as a nation, that
all of our sectors are important for national prosperity, class warfare of this type will hamstring sensible policy at the highest levels.
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Anchor Babies













In response to my last post, commenter "l" writes:
The birth-right citizenship was created for the slaves already in the US after the civil war. The way it is being used now is not the original intent and is basically a way to reap the benefits from a neighboring country by strolling over a river, and I'd feel the same way about Canadians streaming over and having kiddos.

Most naturalized immigrants HATE the anchor baby situation here. Completely unfair to them.
I think this raises/demonstrates several interesting points:

1. This is a perfect case of the "Oh, that's not what they really meant" argument that people pull out when the Constitution happens to disagree with their policy preferences. Other examples include "Oh, the Founders didn't really want to separate church and state," and "Oh, the Founders really meant that only militias should have the right to bear arms." Obviously, liberals and conservatives both do this from time to time, but the fact that conservatives have to whip out this type of argument so much more often these days is evidence that, as today's politics are reckoned, the Constitution has a liberal bias.

2. Does "l" really think the authors of the 14th Amendment were too stupid to imagine that universal birthright citizenship would be mostly applied to the children of immigrants? The argument kind of strains credibility. And has it occurred to "l" that birthright citizenship has been in place for about 150 years? You'd think that if the amendment were being used in a way not intended by the authors, someone would have gone "oops!" and made a push to amend it sometime during that century-and-a-half. But they didn't.

3. I assume that when the commenter says "naturalized immigrants," he means "green card holders," since naturalized immigrants are citizens and parents of "anchor babies" are not. So, where does he get his evidence that "Most naturalized immigrants HATE the anchor baby situation here"?? I searched and couldn't find a poll. So maybe the commenter means that "green card holders, by rights, should resent the unfairness of anchor babies." Is that true, though? Do anchor babies reduce the number of green cards we hand out?

4. Anchor babies are mostly a myth. Wikipedia says:
The term "anchor baby" is a misnomer to the extent that it implies that by having a baby in the US, temporary or illegal immigrants can "anchor" themselves in the US. In fact, a US citizen child cannot file for a US visa for its parents until the child is 21 years of age, and upon reaching that age the child must also be earning at least 125% of the US poverty threshold to be able to apply. Thus, temporary or illegal immigrants who have babies in the US have no means of remaining legally in the US; they must return home and wait until the child reaches age 21. Illegal immigrants usually cannot immigrate even after the child turns 21 since they usually face a multi-year or lifetime ban from immigration to the USA regardless of sponsorship.

5. People who oppose birthright citizenship may not have stopped to consider what our society would look like without it. Can you imagine a whole class of people, living in America, raised speaking only English, with no ties to any foreign country, yet who are not American citizens because their grandparents were illegal immigrants? I can imagine such a class of people, because I have seen them in Japan, a country that does not have birthright citizenship; they are called "Zainichi Koreans," and let me tell you, they are not particularly patriotic toward a country that treats them as second-class citizens because of who their parents were. Does commenter "l" really want to create that kind of underclass here in America?

So, to sum up: I haven't seen any convincing case for why birthright citizenship is a bad idea. It seems very clear that to eliminate it would be asking for trouble in a big big way.
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PaintbrushJS: A lightweight image-processing library

Developer Dave Shea has released PaintbrushJS, a lightweight image processing library that can apply a variety of filters to images on a web page.

Under the covers, PaintbrushJS uses the HTML5 canvas tag to implement its effects, automatically inserting canvas tags based on class names. You can choose effects and control their parameters by adding attributes to various tags. For example:

<img src="jordan.jpg"
width="200" height="133"
class="filter-blur"
data-pb-blur-amount="5">

PaintbrushJS works in any modern browser — which means IE 8 and below won’t see the effects.

For a full list of effects available, check out the documentation or head over to the demo page.

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Conservatives know that their real enemy is the Constitution




















I argued in a past post that American conservatives' true enemy is actually the American Constitution. Conservatives have always wanted to turn America into a traditional nation, in which membership in the polity is defined by race, religion, and language - the kind of nation that France and Japan and Germany and Korea used to be (and to some extent still are). The Constitution prevents that by ensuring things like freedom of speech and religion, birthright citizenship, and majority rule. Therefore, if conservatives really want to create the blood-and-soil nation they dream of - I called it "Amurka" - they'd have to repeal the very document that they often profess loudly to defend.

Conservatives are starting to realize this. Some prominent leaders on the right have recently begun calling for the repeal of the birthright citizenship provision of the 14th Amendment. I recently discovered that repealing the 17th amendment (direct election of senators) has long been a cause celebre of the conservative grassroots; direct election of senators, of course, is a type of one-person-one-vote majority rule. And now I hear about conservatives pushing to repeal the 16th amendment, which allows for a national income tax (income tax, of course, allows the majority to vote to tax the minority).

So the right definitely knows that birthright citizenship and majority rule are the Constitution's ways of hamstringing their dreams. As for freedom of speech and religion, they haven't come out and said they think the First Amendment should be repealed (probably because it's the "first", and therefore holds special psychological power). Instead, they've concentrated on pushing alternative interpretations of the amendment that allow unification of church and state.

But the broad pattern is clear. Conservatives of various stripes are calling for repeal of multiple parts of the Constitution. Liberals, for the most part, are not (though some would undoubtedly like to repeal the 2nd amendment). Actions speak louder than words; it is clear that the Constitution is biasing American policy towards the liberal side, and conservatives are frustrated about it.

For all their sound and fury about wanting to defend the Constitution, America's blood-and-soil nationalists want precisely the opposite; an America whose identity is defined by a tribe, instead of by a 200-year-old piece of paper in a glass case in Washington, D.C.
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Why the Tea Party doesn't scare me (much)














Could America be the new Weimar Republic? Could a combination of bad economic times, military setbacks, and racial/ethnic paranoia fuel a desire for a strongman to restore, as
Glenn Beck puts it, our national "honor"? I'll admit that this possibility keeps me up at night. As Foreign Policy magazine reports, the unprecedented powers that have recently been vested in the office of the presidency (including steady erosion of civil liberties under both Bush and Obama) make it more likely that a Hitler-like leader could ride a wave of nativist paranoia to office and end our democracy.

It's clear that this is on a lot of other Americans' minds as well, even Tea Partiers themselves, who regularly decry Obama as a Hitler figure. But it seems blatantly obvious to me that if a Hitler does arise, his power base will be not the left, but the Tea Party right - the nation's traditionally dominant ethnic group, united around a common religion and culture and political ideology, grabbing their guns and goose-stepping into action for the first fascist strongman who promises to "give them their America back." Already, Tea Party leaders are calling for "Second Amendment remedies" to the nation's problems - i.e., armed insurrection by a disaffected and dispossessed white ethnic core. Don't fool yourself: If America has wannabe Nazis, those wannabe Nazis are called Tea Partiers.

So why am I not panicked about the rise of the Tea Party?

Simply put, it's because they're old.

Jacob Weisberg writes in Slate:
So who are these people and what do they want from us? A series of polls, as well as be-ins like Glenn Beck's Washington rally last month, have given us a picture of a movement predominated by middle-class, middle-aged white men angry about the expansion of government and hostile to societal change. But that profile could accurately describe the past several right-wing insurgencies, from the California tax revolt of the late 1970s to the Contract with America of 1994—not to mention the very Republican establishment that the Tea Party positions itself against.
Angry middle-class men may have outsized political clout, but they are not revolutionaries. To get a Hitlerian takeover, you need the Hitler Youth; you need armies of disaffected young men eager to join organizations like the Brown Shirts and the SS. And American conservatives do not have such an army. They have, in fact, been spectacularly unsuccessful in their efforts to boost white birth rates through religious revivalism and popular exhortation.

Which is not to say Tea Partiers wouldn't like to grab their guns and overthrow the Constitution. They would love nothing better. After all, it's the Constitution that's killing them, through its provision of birthright citizenship, freedom of speech and religion, and majority rule. But they won't do it, because despite the collapse of their housing prices and the steady erosion of their earning power, middle-aged middle-class white folk still live spectacularly comfortable lives. The Tea Party thus seems unlikely to generate any kind of mass organized violence.

The real danger is more mundane: another Bush, a messianic leader for the Right of the type they imagine Obama to be for the Left. Only this time, a Bush-type leader would mean business. No more "compassionate conservatism." No more placating business interests who want more immigration. No more shying away from full assumption of dictatorial powers for the presidency. In other words, a Cheney-type president. A tin-pot mini-Hitler who would smash our national institutions, but who would fall far short of starting a civil war or turning America into a totalitarian state. There are plenty of megalomaniac doofuses lining up for a crack at this job, not least among them (of course) Sarah Palin.

How do we prevent this sorry outcome? One key is to give more relative power to Congress. That requires elimination of the filibuster, the de facto supermajority requirement that has utterly paralized our legislature, and is therefore the number 1 reason that people have no confidence in Congress. A second key is to put pressure on Obama to publicly and explicitly state that the presidency will never have certain powers - arbitrary detention, warrantless surveillance, suspension of habeas corpus, etc. That would set a legal and public-opinion precedent that would help tie the hands of a President Palin.

Because if we can keep the Tea Party at bay long enough - if we can prevent this wave of tribalism from smashing our national institutions - the wave will pass. Racial intermarriage, immigrant assimilation, and demographic inevitability will quiet the Tea Party's rage to a simmering memory. We just have to wait the old geezers out.
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Soaking the moderately rich
















Much fun in the blogosphere today, as Brad DeLong links us to a couple of posts by law professor Todd Henderson, who is
complaining that his family's $455,000 income would be severely strained by the repeal of the Bush tax cuts. DeLong first sends us to Michael O'Hare, who mocks Henderson for being a poor-little-rich-boy who whines about making 9 times the U.S. median income. After Henderson calls DeLong "Deling" in a reply, the infuriated Deling goes on an epic rant, pointing out that Henderson is probably just upset because he's comparing himself to people even richer than himself. Deling then notes that Henderson wasn't exactly screaming bloody murder when Bush cut taxes in 2001, a move which ballooned the deficit and ensured that higher taxes would be needed in the future. After this epic beatdown, Deling transforms back into his alter ego, the mild-mannered Dr. DeLong...

Fun stuff.

I tend to be somewhat ambivalent on the issue of whether Henderson's consumption would take a meaningful hit if his taxes went back to 1999 levels. I mean, were people with $455,000 incomes really forced to scrimp and save in 1999? I doubt it. Then again, Henderson is perfectly within his rights to say that moderately-rich people are people too, and they are used to the lifestyles they've been living. To tell them they can be happy with less is a bit like telling people "Hey, your parents were perfectly happy back in 1980, so give us your iPhone because you obviously don't need it to have a good life." Consumption habit formation is a real phenomenon, and rich people's utility is real utility.

Of course, all this is beside the point. As "Deling" points out, Bush cut taxes and raised spending, and now there's nothing to do for it but raise taxes and cut spending to avoid a disastrous explosion of debt. Henderson may be right that higher taxes will cramp his lifestyle, but who would he suggest is in a better position to bear the burden? Someone who makes $50,000 a year, perhaps?

The moderately rich are not being soaked by socialists. They soaked themselves (well, more than half of them, anyway) by voting Republican in 2000 - by taking short-term gratification in the form of unsustainable tax cuts. They should have been smart and avoided the pain that would inevitable come from discovering that their lifestyle wasn't sustainable. But they were not smart.

(Anyway, I'd like to close with a side note, about something that has always bugged me. In these tax discussions, many of the moderately rich people who complain about higher tax rates seem to think they earn more money than they do. This is a basic economics error, and it's called "failure to understand tax incidence." Let me explain. Henderson seems to think that, because his pretax income is now $455,000, that if his tax rate went to zero he would take home $455,000 in his pocket. This is just not the case. If Henderson didn't have to pay income tax, his employer could afford to hire him for a lower pretax salary.

How much lower? That depends on two things: 1. the elasticity of Henderson's labor demand (i.e. how easily his employer can replace him or do without him), and 2. the elasticity of his labor supply (how much of a salary cut he is willing to take before he quits). If Henderson thinks that he could take home $455,000 in a zero-tax world, he is assuming that he's absolutely irreplaceable, but could easily find another equally good job if he wanted. Sorry, Todd, you're awesome, but you are just not that awesome.

So to reiterate: if you "pay $100,000 in income tax," you're actually only paying part of that. Your employer is paying the rest. Just one more reason the moderately rich aren't getting soaked as badly as they seem to think they are.)
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